Tuesday, 22 May 2018

My Response to the BBC Executive Complaints Unit



Executive Complaints Unit
BBC
Broadcast Centre
London
W12 7TQ                                                                22 May 2018

Dear Sir

Reference:    CAS-4878517-MK66WY

Thank you replying to the reference case.  I remain dissatisfied with your response.
Firstly, as a matter of courtesy, I should be grateful if, in future, the BBC would address me by my name.  I took the trouble to write a letter on paper to you and to sign my name at the bottom.  In your two replies to me you have addressed me as, respectively, “Dear J R,” and “Dear J R” – I am left to wonder the significance of the omitted comma in the latter.  I am dismayed that the administrative governance of a public organisation such as the BBC should be so slack and disrespectful.

I note that the BBC claim that the news report in question did not give a misleading impression.  However, you concede that Ahmed’s use of the phrase “nearly 50%” was imprecise.  Indeed, you have gone as far as to issue a correction and clarification and provided me with a web link accordingly.  Although you admit you were wrong, the figures you post have excluded mention of the potential distortions by the “Rotterdam Effect,” which would, of course, made you generalisation even more “imprecise.”  However, whilst your admission of error is welcome, you offer no explanation. Given the precision of the figures used in other parts of the reference reply, I find it inconceivable that your error was just the result of sloppy proofing.  I contend that you deliberately chose to generalise “nearly 50% of our exports go to the EU” to give the impression of, at least, equal weight to the two export destinations.  Quite apart from the silly notion that these exports would, somehow, cease post Brexit, I further contend that this exaggeration was deliberately contrived to give a speculative impact to the following discussion on GDP growth divergence and part of a clearly misleading overall impression, as I argue below.

Turning to Ahmed’s graphical representation of growth you justify only setting out the relative performance of the UK and the EU over 10 years because the BBC thought “a decade is sufficient to show recent trends.”   Whilst the UK did fall behind the EU recently you may agree that there are sound, but probably temporary, economic reasons for this.  Nevertheless, the truth is that the recent outperformance of the rest of the EU over the UK is insignificant in the bigger picture of the UK’s overall margin of outperformance over the EU during the whole period since 2007 or 2008.  What is more, had Ahmed shown a growth comparison over a more statistically significant period, the graphic would have shown that between 1980 and 2007, just before the crash, the average annual growth rate was 2.1% for France, 1.6% for Germany, 2.4% for the Netherlands, and 1.8% for Italy. Meantime, growth in the UK averaged 2.4%. If you extend the period to 2012, the six original signatories of the Treaty of Rome grew at only 1.6% compared to the UK at 2.0%.  You claim that your graphic was designed to portray “broad trends in a visual way.”  However, if you had taken account of history, the “broad trend” would not have supported the impression of growth divergence portrayed in your graph.  I contend that you did not, according to your own editorial guidelines, “take sufficient care to avoid giving figures more weight than can stand scrutiny,” and I stand by my accusation of statistical sleight of hand.
Your reply at reference offers a clue to the derivation of your perceived editorial line when you state, at outset, “the Foreign Secretary had spoken of the UK no longer being ‘lashed’ to the EU, so expressing his doubts as to the economic benefits of the UK remaining in the single market.”  I was not aware of the Foreign Secretary’s speech of 14 May being referenced in the news report in question but, since you raise it, it may be helpful to clarify what he said?  

“But in a global marketplace, where we are trading in products that hadn’t been conceived even five years ago, serving markets that were poverty stricken only 20 years ago, it seems extraordinary that the UK should remain lashed to the minute prescriptions of a regional trade bloc comprising only 6 per cent of humanity – and when it is not possible for us or any EU nation to change those rules on our own.”

I have read Mr Johnson’s speech and it seems to me that the thrust of his argument was to allay the fears, spiritual, strategic, and economic, that might be present in the minds of those who doubted the wisdom of Britain leaving the EU.  In your reference quotation he certainly was not “expressing his doubts as to the economic benefits of the UK remaining in the single market.”  Again, I am mystified how such wilful misquoting could have escaped editorial scrutiny unless, of course, it had been allowed to slip through deliberately. 

You conclude your reply by dismissing my “further points” as not suggesting evidence of a possible breach of standards.” I do not know what these further points might have been.  To be clear, I chose “bias” as “the category that best described my complaint” and qualified the headline by “inaccurate EU export figures and selective statistics.”  Although I expressed dismay at “the almost casual dismissal of my position,” this was an observation and not a matter of complaint.  However, for the avoidance of doubt, I wish to elaborate on my allegation of bias.  I do not claim that Ahmed’s report resulted from a deliberate editorial decision designed to mislead.  Neither do I believe that the BBC, as an establishment, has an anti-Brexit policy although your claim that “the BBC does not have an opinion on Brexit or any other subject,” is preposterous.  Is the BBC, for example, open minded about paedophilia? However, I should be very surprised if anyone of influence in your organisation, perceived by many as generally metropolitan-centric, socially liberal, pro-establishment, and climate-conscious, actually thought Brexit was anything but a very bad idea.   More generally, and of much more concern, it seems, this BBC tribal predisposition tends to play down, ridicule or suppress any contrary narrative.  Whilst it is not surprising that personal prejudice, either consciously or sub-consciously, tends to influence editorial slant, and I feel sure you always try to guard against this, I believe the BBC staff, in this instance, allowed themselves to be carried away.  I cannot prove intent, of course, my evidence being circumstantial, but I hope you will try to put aside your default mental model of the world for one moment and review this appeal for objective treatment of the Brexit issue accordingly?
Yours faithfully



John Brown
(Mister)

Monday, 21 May 2018

A Reply from the BBC

A few days ago the BBC replied to my complaint.  With all the discourteous hallmarks of a cut-and-paste job, I reproduce it below:



"Dear J R
Reference CAS-4878517-MK66WY
Thank you for contacting us again.
We appreciate that you were dissatisfied with our previous response and felt strongly enough to write to us again. We raised this again with our news colleagues and senior staff.
They respond: "We're afraid we do not agree that we have given a misleading impression. The Foreign Secretary had spoken of the UK no longer being ‘lashed’ to the EU, so expressing his doubts as to the economic benefits of the UK remaining in the single market. The report by Kamal Ahmed was a factual one, looking at the latest economic figures which show that the Eurozone has enjoyed its strongest growth for some years. His report was intended to put the relative fortunes of the UK and the EU in context for viewers.
"It was certainly not implying a BBC position on Brexit. The BBC does not have an opinion on Brexit or any other subject. The use of the GDP graph set out the relative performance of the UK and the EU over ten years. While we could have gone back many more years, we think a decade is sufficient to show recent trends. While the performance of individual countries has varied, we were looking at the EU as a whole. Last year the Eurozone enjoyed its strongest period of growth since 2007, as you acknowledge, and Kamal explained that while both the UK and the EU were hit by the recession in 2007, the UK recovered faster so that by 2012 the UK was top of the economic league as the rest of the EU suffered.
"Now growth in the UK has slowed, running at 1.8% last year (compared to more than 2% in 2013, 2014 and 2015), while the Eurozone grew by 2.5% last year, the closest it has been to the levels of 3% seen before the recession of 2007/8, and this was highlighted by Kamal. In a report with many figures, the graph was intended to convey the broad trends in a visual way, and was not intended to be seen as an impression of the UK's post Brexit prospects.
“Kamal’s use of the phrase ‘nearly 50%’ was also intended to convey information simply, to help viewers. He explains that the figure for UK exports to the EU is 48% when one considers goods, and 43% when goods and services are taken into account. This link shows the ONS summary: https://www.ons.gov.uk/businessindustryandtrade/internationaltrade/articles/whodoestheuktradewith/2017-02-21
"However, we accept that the use of the phrase ‘nearly 50%’ is imprecise and we could have been clearer that not only do less than half of UK exports go to the EU, this proportion has been on a downward trend since 2006 (though the latest figures show that there has been a slight increase to 44% for goods and services, and 50% for goods alone). We have made this clear on the BBC’s Corrections and Clarifications page on the BBC website: http://www.bbc.co.uk/helpandfeedback/corrections_clarifications
"Of course, there is much debate among economists as to whether these levels of growth in the UK and EU are a blip or the new normal, and so these are trends to watch. The EU remains a large and important export market for the UK and whatever the future trading relationship, we think it is useful to consider how one side is faring in comparison with the other.'"
We have read and noted your further points here but don’t consider they suggest evidence of a possible breach of standards. Opinions do vary widely about the BBC and its output, but this does not necessarily imply there has been a breach of standards or of the BBC’s public service obligations.
For this reason, we regret we don’t have more to add to our previous correspondence, and so will not respond further or address more questions or points. If you are dissatisfied with this decision you may ask the BBC’s Executive Complaints Unit (ECU) to review it. Details of the BBC complaints process are available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/complaints/handle-complaint/ where you can read the BBC’s full complaints framework.
If you wish to ask the ECU to review this decision, you should contact it directly within 20 working days of receiving this reply. Please explain to the ECU why you believe there may have been a potential breach of standards or other significant issue to investigate. You can email ecu@bbc.co.uk, or write to: Executive Complaints Unit, BBC, Broadcast Centre, London W12 7TQ. Please include the case reference number we have provided in this reply.
Once again, thank you for taking the time to contact us.
Kind regards
Hollie Bann
BBC Complaints Team
www.bbc.co.uk/complaints
NB This is sent from an outgoing account only which is not monitored. You cannot reply to this email address but if necessary please contact us via our webform quoting any case number we provided."

I will post my reply tomorrow!

Wednesday, 16 May 2018

Situating the Appreciation

I have just finished reading this week's Spectator (apart from the bit by Matthew Parris who, irritatingly, "has not the slightest intention of shutting up") and was struck by an interesting observation from Douglas Murray's diary. He says:

"Everyone in New York asks about the knife crime in London.  I tell them it won't be sorted out because we've already decided what the cause can't be."

I think the same agument applies to Grenfell and Windrush!

Tuesday, 1 May 2018

Immigration Hostilities



After I graduated from the RAF Staff College, I was posted to the Ministry of Defence as the Personal Staff Officer to a Senior Officer in the Defence Intelligence Staff.  Our department was responsible, amongst other things, for the administration of Service intelligence gathering and liaison with other intelligence agencies, at home and abroad.  Naturally, there was a great deal of paper work, most of it highly classified and requiring appropriate protection.  My boss, an Admiral, became challenged by a project to reduce the amount of historic classified material that was clogging up the registry system.  Unfortunately, this was not just a case of throwing a few files in the shredder.  Each document had to be reviewed individually and, if judged suitable for destruction, processed through signature and countersignature and records compiled for audit.  This was a hugely time-consuming and labour-intensive process. Undaunted, and in true Trafalgar spirit, there was a task requirement, a target, and milestones against which progress could be measured.  Things went well, initially, as the “low-hanging fruit” of lesser classified documents were dispatched to the incinerator.  However, the hopelessness of the task rapidly became apparent as more and more sensitive material was tackled, each document requiring greater scrutiny at progressively higher levels.  At times, new documents were being created at a faster rate than the old ones were being destroyed.  It was a bureaucratic nightmare of Der Zauberlehrling proportions.

I expect the majority of us feel that immigrants who have entered our country illegally should be sent back from whence they came? Give or take the odd humanitarian or political case, I expect most people would agree that the target for removal should be all of them?  I suppose the Home Office could put out a media campaign asking all illegal immigrants to own up and report to a remote airfield somewhere prior to being flown back to their country of origin by the first available means.  This probably would not work for the obvious reason that, having taken the trouble to get into this country illegally, such immigrants would be unlikely to surrender their hard-won position to a legal challenge. Presumably, successive Home Secretaries have cottoned-on to this impediment and applied other methods of rooting out people who should not be here.  If, as an illegal immigrant, you are being hunted down to be deported, you may well feel that the forces ranged against you are hostile.  On the other hand, as a law-abiding citizen who has just been the victim of a violent crime perpetrated by a gang who should not be here, you may feel differently?

The fall-out from the Windrush debacle has exposed another side of Home Office business, the bungling of which has provided a bonanza of personal stories, viciously exploited by those affecting to be offended on behalf of others and the media to cast the Government in a dark and unfeeling light. In fairness to the Home Office, they need to manage and vet new arrivals, administer applications for people already here, and get rid of illegals all under the political banner of reducing net migration to the tens of thousands.  It may be that some of the Home Office servants may have ignored the old adage - when you are up to your arse in alligators, it’s easy to forget that the original aim was to drain the swamp.  The bureaucratic parallels with my earlier remarks about classified documents are obvious – illegal immigrants will be difficult and expensive to catch and deport.  There must be a temptation to go for the low-hanging fruit, in this case the generally law-abiding, who just want to apply to be British or, in the case of the Windrushes, perhaps forgotten to apply in the first place.  This is the heart of the problem.  Lionel Shriver, writing in the Spectator, cites “arcane rules to bureaucratic waterboarding: elaborate procedures, absurd documentation requirements, confiscatory fees and fickle decision-making.”  This is the hostile atmosphere which needs to change, not the hostile approach to tracking and dealing with illegal immigrants.  I wish Sajid Javid well (and I hope he has more success than we did in Defence Intelligence)!