Secluded,
isolated, and impoverished, North Korea has no other leverage instruments of
foreign policy other than a nuclear capability. Karl Marx wrote that
the most effective power is structural because it functions without being used.
Nuclear weapons, the ultimate expression of strength, function in exactly this
way and provide status in international hierarchies. North Korea accepted the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1985 but withdrew in 2002 (the only country
to have done so). Since 2002, North Korea has conducted numerous
nuclear and missile delivery tests (in defiance of the UN). We now
understand that North Korea is on the brink of deploying a ballistic nuclear
missile capability with the range to reach the West Coast of the USA. Over the weekend, they tested a hydrogen bomb
claimed to be small enough to be fitted to the intercontinental missile. This
places continental US under direct threat of a first use nuclear attack. Bellicose threats of respective annihilation have
resulted and the US is attempting to gain consensus in the UN Security Council
to bring the maverick North Korea to (the US) heel.
What
will Kim do with this devastating power? Obviously, an ideologically crazed attack
on the US is a possibility. Whilst this would cause unacceptable damage to the
US, even if only one warhead got through, the massive American nuclear arsenal
would ensure the complete obliteration of North Korea. The fire and fury, not to mention the
radiation, would be incidental – the initial blast having flattened everything
of significance. Both sides know this and therefore it is reasonable to assume
it won’t happen because of the threat of mutually assured destruction. After
all, this kept the nuclear arms confrontation between USSR an NATO at just
that, a confrontation, for 50 years so why shouldn’t the same logic work here?
However,
whilst another nuclear balance of terror might keep the peace it would not deal
with the consequences of proliferation.
At the moment, North Korea exports its rocket and nuclear technology to
third countries thus exacerbating proliferation problems. It is in all our
interests for this transfer to come under international control.
The
more likely explanation is that North Korea wants to use it’s new found power
as a bargaining chip, both in terms of improving international prestige and
trade. Paradoxically, Kim may reason that a nuclear armed North Korea may be more
likely to escape from UN censure and trade sanctions than if he were to offer
to bring his arms programme into existing nuclear treaties. This may be true and President Trump
recognises that Kim can be a “smart cookie,” in which case, Trump should
recognise that Kim is unlikely to give up his "trump" card for anything. An international accommodation with the new
reality will be required. It seems
certain, however, that we shall not be able to discover what Kim really wants
without talking to him, directly or indirectly so let us hope that channels of
bilateral dialogue are set up before misunderstanding breeds. Although face to face dialogue seems unlikely
in the short term, they must talk eventually.
The
role of China as interlocutor will be vital.
China buys coal, about the only thing North Korea produces and
otherwise bankrolls the North Korean state. Whilst China could bring
North Korea to heel by withdrawing support, such action could result in the
breakdown of the North Korean state and provoke the same reaction as military
action, albeit with less immediate panic. There is no win-win course of
action for China as she walks a tightrope
between the international responsibilities of a global super power and regional
imperative to keep stability in its own backyard. Whatever it does, China plays
its cards very close to its chest.
Digressing
in search of an example, I was in Hong Kong in 1974 awaiting the arrival of my
bride by RAF VC-10. The wedding had been arranged to take place at RAF Kai Tak
exactly 7 days later to comply with residency rules. However, I had reckoned
without the power of nature and Typhoon Gloria, rapidly approaching Hong Kong
from Luzon to the East. Wind speeds rose and soon the normally challenging
approaches to the Kai Tak Airport became unsafe. The RAF wisely decided to hold the VC10 in Singapore
until the weather in Hong Kong improved. The delay meant that my future wife
could no longer fulfil the residency requirements and so a special licence was
required. Local friends at the Royal Hong Kong Auxiliary Air Force, where I was on Loan Service from the RAF, advised that I should visit the official responsible to
obtain a licence as soon as possible so I rushed down to Star Ferry and across
to Hong Kong side to the Government office responsible. There is was greeted by a solitary official
seated behind a large desk. It was well known that Hong Kong Chinese were
particularly inscrutable. In business, one often described one’s Chinese negotiator
as sitting wearing an impenetrable “scrute.”
And so it was with the wedding licence official. Although I had only been in the Colony for a
few months, I had already learned enough about local custom to know that it was
always a mistake to rush things. So, I
sat down opposite and impassively observed the scrute, hoping that such an
obvious display of interest would break the ice. It didn’t and I jumped to the third stage of
the standard negotiating process, opening my wallet. I began by removing large red $HK 100 notes,
one at a time. Miraculously, after the third
or fourth, the scrute softened and an envelope was passed across the desk. Nothing else was said and I left immediately,
rushing back to Star Ferry just in time to catch the last departure before that
service closed for the duration.
I
make that personal reminiscence because, in dealing with China, probably not
much has changed and, in the interests of peaceful coexistence, President Trump
will have to find his own way to get behind the scrute.
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