It seems likely that the Integrated Defence Spending Review will be
delayed because the Chancellor has abandoned a planned multi-year spending
review in favour of a one-year review at the end of next month. This is bad
news for the Armed Forces because vital decisions on future capabilities and
funding will relegated to the back burner.
Key decisions, such as the Future Combat Air System, will not now be
taken leading to, potentially, years of planning uncertainty and additional
expenditure because existing systems will have to be run on beyond their
planned life expiry in order to plug capability gaps until new weapons and
capabilities are produced.
We can anticipate the “line to take” briefing papers as Ministers are
questioned about the most important role of Government, defence of the
realm. “Look,” they will say, “Covid has
upset everything.” “We are only delaying
this important piece of work and this in no way betrays our lack of interest in
defence.” “We are one of the few NATO
military powers that continues to spend 2% of GDP on defence (and so everything
is, obviously, all right accordingly).”
We must not be seduced by such errant nonsense. Quite apart from the obvious that 2% of GDP
this year buys a lot less than last it is not true (although grandly
virtue-signalled by those who should know better) that the UK will fulfil its
defence obligations if only it should spend 2% of its GDP thereon.
Nothing could be further from the truth. Firstly, 2% is probably an
entirely arbitrary figure dreamed up at NATO HQ to fulfil some historical goal
or communique. It is a political declaration most likely based upon what,
despite their vulnerability, even the Belgians might grudgingly stump up to
insure against being trampled over again. It has nothing to do with what we
need to do the job. Historically we spent a lot more of our GDP on defence
before being seduced into cashing in the peace dividend (several times
over). Secondly, we don’t actually spend all that money on people and kit
and a significant percentage is made up through creative accounting, pensions,
for example, to please the bean-counters. Finally, and most
significantly, the threat has not diminished since the peace dividend was
cashed in. Far from it and the diversity of things that could harm us is,
if anything, is more concerning than the relative stability of the Cold War
confrontation. Just look at the recent threats to our merchant shipping
in the Gulf and our impotent National response – not even our own maritime patrol
surveillance aircraft never mind sophisticated overhead photography. Why should
we feel, now, that 2% should be enough?
The problem is that our defence expenditure does not seem to be linked
to what our foreign policy, such as it is articulated, might require us to
undertake. The arbitrary 2% may or may not be enough – take your pick and
take your chance! Incongruously, Conservative governments have not been
very good at providing what the armed forces need, often quite the
contrary. Fortunately, when stretched, the armed forces have been able to
“punch above their weight” but that convenience wore thin long ago.
Nowadays, we are told, we cannot even field and support a fighting Division – a
parsimonious bottom line of Cameron’s defence butchery. This is a truly a
truly pathetic condition for a nuclear capable member of the Security Council
and so-called principle ally to the USA for coalition operations, to find
ourselves. It really is simple: if we cannot afford the defences
necessary to uphold our foreign policy then we need to change our foreign
policy accordingly. It is not a chicken and egg – the job of Government
is to define the policy. Then Government has the inescapable
responsibility give the armed forces the tools they need and trust them to
finish the job.
So, as the skirmishing of the new defence review continues let us hope that some sense of national priority prevails and that output will, once and for all, link defence posture to policy and fund it accordingly. When it suits, governments can make grand commitments: climate change, overseas aid spending and pensions triple lock, for example. So, talking of locks, why cannot we lock our defence posture to our foreign policy? If it is politically convenient to make grand gestures on becoming carbon neutral surely, as the first duty of government, we can expect them to make a similar, but meaningful, long-term pledge on our future security?